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For more information about Aurora, please visit our investor website, investor. Six potential bidders are conducting due diligence and have until November 28 to decide if they will table a binding offer. Among the suitors is Landesbank peer Helaba, as well as listed rival Commerzbank, private equity funds Cerberus and three other PE investors, said a person familiar with the process. Thousands of far-right demonstrators are expected to hit the streets. Read more: Merkel hits out at AfD on far-right violence The wounds of August's violence in Chemnitz will still need a long time to heal. God help us, either way. Panorama focused on an extremist cell called the Freital Group, from the town of Freital in Saxony, and its increasingly violent activities in the latter half of Seeking first time with freital, using the specific conditions in their corner of the world as the lens through which to view the wider malaise.
Reunification in led to the end of most of the industry in the blue collar area. There is nothing left for feeding others. The Freital Group emerged during a welter of hostility. The town divided, and those who tried to help the newcomers became targets for vitriol and violence from their neighbours. His friend later expands upon the point: There were fears that the migrants would bring with them Islamist extremism, crime, and a culture incompatible with German society; there were also suspicions that the new arrivals, by and large young men, were not genuine refugees but were just looking for an easier life subsidized by hardworking locals. Inspired by weekly anti-migrant rallies in Dresden that were drawing crowds of up to 15, people, large, rowdy and occasionally violent protests against the migrants became a regular occurrence in Freital.
There were threats to burn the hotel down, clashes with counter-demonstrators, stones thrown through windows. The few hundred refugees living there were afraid to go outside. Ines Kummer, 54, feels that the town has been split in half by the protests. She worked for one of the few pro-refugee organizations in town and for a while was the foster mother for a teenage refugee. She recalled being shocked to suddenly find herself the target of naked hostility in the town that summer. She says she received death threats online and over the phone as well as regular harassment on the street.
She agreed to meet me in a cafe in Dresden — it would be impossible to tell her story in a similar setting in Freital, she said. At the peak of the tensions inshe urged him not to leave his house during the regular Friday demonstrations against refugees. The incidents often happened on public transport — strangers would use racial slurs and loudly let him know that they hated foreigners. On one occasion, neo-Nazis gate-crashed a garden party at the hostel where he lived with other African migrants. When Kummer was with him, she would also face abuse — one on occasion when they were walking together, a drunk group of hooligans threatened to beat Romeo up and made a throat-slitting gesture in their direction.
Prosecutors believe this network, a sort of intimidating Saxon version of the Guardian Angels, contained the nucleus of the Freital Group.
With a self-appointed mission to monitor the behavior of the newcomers, the citizen patrol became a menacing presence on the streets and firsf routes of Freital and at the fringes of the anti-migrant rallies. Secretly, however, a hard core among them began plotting an even more extreme response, to ramp up their campaign of intimidation with direct attacks on refugee and leftist targets. Prosecutors believe the cell was led by Timo Schulz, a bus driver and neo-Nazi with links to the local freitl scene, and Patrick Festing, a ferital pizza delivery guy. Schulz had credentials as a neofascist — he reportedly kept Nazi flags in his apartment, and had been sacked from a previous job for posting hate speech on Facebook.
By contrast, Festing — although he had hung around the fringes of the local football hooligan scene — had no real profile as an extremist. According to reports, he was simply drawn to the anti-migrant sentiment that seethed in Freital that summer; he and Schulz met at a protest outside the Hotel Leonardo. They regularly met with other anti-migrant activists in the forecourt of a local gas station to drink beer and blow off steam about the refugee issue. Prosecutors say the Freital Group met at the Aral petrol station in the center of Freital to plan their attacks. Jacobia Dahm for VICE News The group communicated using a number of chat channels on the KakaoTalk app, switching from an open channel for more generic conversations to an encrypted secret channel when plotting attacks.
In one, they wore hoods and gave Hitler salutes behind a swastika flag; in another they raised their fists and a burning torch.
In these chats, later published in the German weekly Der Spiegel and elsewhere, they joked about the attacks, often seeming to enjoy the process. Seekig the anti-migrant protests wiht Freital in the summer ofright-wing tags and slogans appeared all over town. Days before the attack, Festing had enthusiastically reported his discovery of the new target to the group on their encrypted chat. A member of the group replied: A surveyfor example, found that nearly 40 percent of respondents in the state thought Muslims should be banned from migrating to Germany, compared to about 16 percent nationally.